While the methods former colonial powers use are softer, their agenda remains the same
By Moussa Ibrahim, executive secretary of the African Legacy Foundation, Johannesburg
FILE PHOTO. Sudanese take part in a protest over economic conditions, in Khartoum, Sudan, Wednesday, June 30, 2021. © AP Photo/Marwan Ali
In late August, the revolutionary government of Burkina Faso nationalized two gold mines, reclaiming them from the London-based multinational Endeavour Mining. Burkina Faso is the fourth largest gold producer in Africa. Meanwhile, according to Switzerland-based aid and advocacy organization SwissAid, a total of 435 tons of gold (worth around $35 billion) was illegally smuggled out of Africa in 2022 through a well-organized criminal network, with the majority of it ending up in European banks.
This polarized picture of nationalization on one hand and continuous robbery of Africa’s natural resources on the other, is quite telling of the continent’s reality of neo-colonialism and revolution.
Africa, the so-called “cradle of humankind,” continues to find itself at the mercy of foreign powers that treat it less like a cradle and more like a buffet. Western nations, for centuries, have plundered the continent’s natural wealth, leaving behind economic disarray, political instability, and environmental destruction. While colonial empires have crumbled, their insidious legacy lives on.
Today, the West’s robbery of Africa’s natural resources has simply been rebranded. The method of operation has shifted from overt colonialism to a more subtle cocktail of military action, diplomacy, corporate exploitation, and cultural domination. But make no mistake, the theft continues, and Africa is being short-changed.
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A history of extraction: From gold to black gold
Let’s start with the numbers. Africa is rich – astoundingly rich – in natural resources. It holds approximately 30% of the world’s mineral reserves, 8% of the world’s natural gas, and 12% of the world’s oil reserves. It’s home to 40% of the world’s gold and up to 90% of its chromium and platinum. The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) alone accounts for more than half of the world’s cobalt supply, a critical element in the batteries that power electric vehicles and smartphones.
Yet, despite this abundance, Africa remains one of the poorest continents, with more than 413 million people living in extreme poverty in 2023, according to the United Nations Development Program (UNDP). How is it possible that a continent so rich is home to some of the world’s poorest nations? The answer is a tangled web of historical injustice and present-day exploitation.
Colonial powers like Britain, France, and Belgium carved up the continent in the 19th and 20th centuries, leaving behind artificial borders and ethnic divisions that continue to spark conflict. The extraction of resources during this period – think diamonds in South Africa, rubber in Congo, and gold across West Africa – was nothing short of grand larceny. But the colonialists weren’t content with simply draining the continent. They also ensured that the infrastructure they left behind would serve Western interests, facilitating the ongoing extraction of resources. In effect, colonialism was never truly abolished; it just went corporate.
Corporate colonialism: Meet the new boss, same as the old boss
Enter the multinational corporations – today’s imperial armies in boardroom suits. Companies like Glencore, Shell, and Anglo American have replaced the colonial governors of yesteryear. These firms operate in Africa under the guise of “investment” and “development,” extracting resources while paying a pittance to the local workforce. It’s as if they found a way to write theft off as a tax deduction.
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Take the example of the Nigerian oil industry. Nigeria, the largest oil producer in Africa, has seen its petroleum sector generate billions in revenue over the past few decades. Yet, about 40% of Nigerians live below the poverty line. Shell, which has operated in Nigeria for over 60 years, has been accused of everything from environmental devastation to human rights abuses. The Niger Delta, once teeming with biodiversity, is now a toxic wasteland due to repeated oil spills.
As Nigerian writer Ken Saro-Wiwa once said, “The environment is man’s first right; without a clean environment, man cannot exist.” He said these words before being hanged in 1995 by a military regime that had the backing of oil companies.
And, while corporations continue to plunder the land, they’re often backed by Western governments. In 2011, for instance, NATO intervened in Libya under the pretext of protecting civilians during the civil war. But once Gaddafi was gone, it quickly became clear that the real prize was Libya’s oil wealth. The country has since descended into chaos, with warlords and militias vying for control of oil fields, while Western corporations continue to line their pockets.
Military action and diplomacy: The West’s go-to playbook
When direct corporate control doesn’t suffice, military action steps in. The US has over 29 known military bases on the continent, and operations by the US Africa Command (AFRICOM) continue to increase. The Pentagon claims these bases exist to combat terrorism and promote security, but critics argue that they primarily serve to safeguard American access to Africa’s oil, uranium, and other strategic resources.
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Let’s not forget France, the ever-persistent “benevolent” overseer of its former colonies. The French military maintains a presence in places like Mali and Chad under the banner of fighting Islamist insurgencies. Yet, these operations often coincide with securing France’s economic interests in uranium and gold. In fact, much of the uranium that powers France’s nuclear energy industry – accounting for 75% of its electricity – comes from Niger. How fitting that Niger is one of the world’s poorest countries, yet it keeps the lights on in Paris.
When military force isn’t practical, Western powers turn to diplomacy, leveraging international institutions to maintain their grip. The World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF), often controlled by Western nations, are notorious for imposing “structural adjustment programs” on African nations. These programs force governments to privatize state-owned resources and industries, opening the door for foreign corporations to swoop in and profit.
The phrase “he who pays the piper calls the tune” has never been more apt. In 2020, the IMF imposed austerity measures on Zambia as a condition for a bailout, despite the country being burdened with debts largely incurred through Western-backed infrastructure projects. Such deals ensure that African nations remain trapped in a cycle of debt dependency, allowing the West to maintain its stranglehold over the continent’s wealth.
Cultural domination: The West’s soft power heist
Military and corporate power are only part of the story. The West also uses cultural means to assert dominance over Africa. Western media, NGOs, and educational institutions often portray Africa as a continent in need of saving, fostering a paternalistic narrative that legitimizes intervention. This soft power approach masks the reality of exploitation, making it easier for Western powers to justify their actions both at home and abroad.
Consider how Western pop culture depicts Africa. The average Western viewer might only know of Africa through stories of war, famine, and corruption, ignoring the rich cultural histories and complex societies that have existed for millennia. Even well-intentioned initiatives like Live Aid in the 1980s painted Africa as a hopeless, helpless continent in need of salvation from the West. The narrative is clear: Africa can’t help itself; it needs the West.
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But who’s really in need of help here? The West, with its insatiable appetite for Africa’s resources, is like a ravenous diner at an all-you-can-eat buffet, grabbing plates of oil, gold, and coltan without so much as a thank you.
Resistance: The tide is turning
The story, however, does not end with unmitigated exploitation. Africa has a long history of resistance, and recent developments suggest that the continent is far from passive in this ongoing heist. Pan-African movements, political activism, and technological advancements are emerging as powerful tools for pushing back.
Pan-Africanism, championed by leaders like Kwame Nkrumah, Gamal Abdel-Nasser, Muammar Gaddafi and Julius Nyerere, has seen a resurgence in recent years. African nations are increasingly calling for the renegotiation of exploitative contracts with multinational corporations, as seen in Tanzania’s renegotiation of mining contracts in 2019.
Furthermore, the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA), which came into effect in 2021, aims to create a single market for goods and services across the continent, reducing dependency on Western economies.
The recent rise of radical pan-Africanist leadership in Niger, Burkina Faso, and Mali reflects a significant shift towards African ownership of its wealth and development. These nations’ embrace of revolutionary politics signifies a powerful stance against neocolonial influences, setting a precedent for others on the continent to reclaim control over their resources.
Grassroots movements are following suit. In Kenya, a popular 2024 movement for land rights and resource control highlighted the growing consciousness in East Africa around self-determination. These efforts signal a broader trend across the continent – Africans are increasingly advocating for control over their destiny.
Meanwhile, Gaddafi’s “liberation projects” (for which he was killed) are finding new life in public discussions. Proposals like the African Organization for Natural Resources, an African Central Bank, and a unified currency are gaining traction on social media, in activist networks, and even among some African governments.
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As these ideas resurface, the momentum for African unity and independence continues to build, with aspirations for a self-determined future driving a new wave of pan-Africanist thought and action. The expanding cooperation between Africa and emerging global players like China, Russia, India, and Brazil is opening new avenues and opportunities for the continent. By forging partnerships with these alternative powers, African nations are finding increased room to maneuver, moving away from the constraints of traditional Western neo-colonial policies.
This shift is reshaping Africa’s economic landscape. Collaborative infrastructure projects, joint resource extraction efforts, and initiatives aimed at tackling foreign debt have become central to this new dynamic. These alliances are offering African countries more equitable terms and sustainable development prospects, challenging decades of exploitative practices and giving Africa the tools to chart its own path forward.
But there is still much work to be done. Africa must continue to build stronger political institutions that can resist Western interference and ensure that the continent’s wealth is used for the benefit of its people. As the old saying goes, “If you want something done right, do it yourself.” For too long, Africa’s resources have been managed by others. Now is the time for Africa to take the reins.
Reclaiming what’s ours
As we look at the ongoing theft of Africa’s natural resources, we must ask: How long will this heist continue? Will Africa always be seen as a treasure trove for Western consumption, or will the continent finally reclaim its wealth and its future?
Africa has the potential to be a global leader, not just in terms of natural resources but in innovation, culture, and governance. But to realize that potential, Africans must continue to resist the forces that seek to exploit them – whether they come in the form of military interventions, multinational corporations, or cultural domination.
So, to the West: Africa is no longer your colony, nor your playground, nor your endless supply of wealth. The time has come for Africa to stand up and say, “Hands off!” As they say, a good thief knows when to leave before he gets caught.
The statements, views and opinions expressed in this column are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of RT.
